Qadiani Asma Jahangir As Care Taker Prime Minister Of Pakistan

A Pro Indian Qadiani Asma Jahangir As Prime Minister Of Pakistan :

Nawaz Sharif has given the name of a pro-indian Asma Jahangir as the care taker Prime Minister of Pakistan. Now i have a question to the supporters of  Nawaz Sharif sahab that what is their opinion about the decision of their great leader. Care taker Prime Minister is not a small seat , it is a seat that control the whole nation. Do you still believe that she deserves that seat ? then it means that the religion is always your secondary priority. Is this what Qaid-e-Azam wanted from this nation ? Clearly this is not a true Pakistani's thinking. Pakistan Tehrik e Insaf Chairman Imran Khan also rejects the name of Asma Jahangir qadiani as the care taker prime minister of Pakistan.

We are waiting for your comments !!!

Bashir Ahmed Bilour - Died in suicide attack

Bashir Ahmed Bilour , senior member of provincial assembly of khyber pakhtoonkhua was under suicide attack under strong security.He along with his personal seceratory Haji Noor died in the suicide attack. He was brought to Lady Reading Hospital Peshawar : Docter Arshad Javed said that he was not breathing when he was brought to the hospital, his death was due to the severe injuries on chest and abdomen. He was on the ventilator for a long period of time.Ghulam Ahmed bilour ,brother of Bashir Ahmed Bilour confirms the Shahadah of the Bashir Ahmed Bilour. 

Dabang 2 - Movie Review

At last Dabang 2 is released , 21st December 2012. It is said that it will break the record of "Aik Tha Tiger" of 32 core on the first day. The director Arbaz Khan has done a wonderfull job in his debut film dabang 2. The choroegrapher Farah Khan has been so great with the item song "Fevicol". She is best known for her work in many bollywood films. She has choreographed more than one hundred songs in over 80 films. Farah khan is also a well known film director as well.Sonakshi Sinha this time around too doesn't get much to offer to the film except for 2-3 expressions and 2-3 songs but still looks a perfect match for the personality of Salman Khan.

Many of the sequels of the bollywood movies doesn't have any relevence with its predecessor but unlike those, dabang 2 is the continuation of its first part. It is not wrong to say that Salman Khans movie is a full time entertainment-entertainment-entertainment movie. The film all in all has 5-7 fight sequences, 5-7 grand hero entries of Salman with loud background score, 5-7 songs and characters repeated from Salman's earlier hits. Some of the sequences are literally repeated in order to click with the masses. The film may just have one of the most done to death plots executed in a very done to death format but yet again it will still be watched and rejoiced by Salman Khan fans

 

Scene 1: Chulbul confronts goondas in godown, tosses a few dialogues, flies in the air, beats them up. Few dialogues more.

 

Scene 2: Chulbul plays happy families with wife Rajjo (Sonakshi Sinha), stepfather Prajapati Pandey (Vinod Khanna, looking very very old) and brother Makkhi (director Arbaaz)
Chulbul smooths his moustache, flexes his muscles, wriggles around. It’s time for a song.

Scene 3: Chulbul confronts smugglers/dacoits, tosses a few dialogues, flies in the air, beats them to a pulp. Few dialogues more.

Scene 4: Chulbul ribs a few colleagues, donates money, teases his father, brother and wife. Wife gets angry, time for a song

In some theaters of Rajasthan and West Bengal people rush to the theater in early morning around 6 am to catch the first show.Fans are enjoying the day like festivals. Dabangg 2 - Salman Khan , a must watch movie !!!!

 

Why Afridi continues to play

The memes, the posters and the profile display pictures are no more. No longer does he inspire remixes nor are his exploits celebrated in his mother tongue. Barely eighteen months on from being celebrated as the reincarnation of Jinnah, Shahid Afridi is being dragged down from the pedestal he was put upon – it is pertinent to note that he was hoisted onto that pedestal by the same nation who is now determined to bring him down. Afridi’s presence in the national team has divided the spectators with the loudest and the most extremist viewpoints being presented as the two truths. His supporters claim that he is the best thing since the helmet grill, and is never at fault for a loss. His detractors complain about sixteen years of false promises and keeping his betters out of the team using his influence in the dressing room and the media. His retirement is asked for by many – as if that has ever solved anything (and we’ve had plenty of those anyway). Surely, there must be another truth – one that lies somewhere in between. But like any, and every, issue (and non-issue) in Pakistan, the middle-ground-truth seems hard to establish.

The first – and most obvious – mistake that Pakistanis on either side make is to assume that Afridi is a batsman of any repute. Much like the England football team, the discussion about Afridi’s batting consists of undeserved hype, outrageously high expectations and references from the distant past. For pundits employed to sell the match as a product, over-hyping Afridi makes sense. But it is senseless for fans accustomed to his ever-increasing collection of failures to raise their hopes every time he takes guard. He averages under 20  with the bat in ODIs over the last two years – certainly not the record of a messiah. A lot of great – and not that great – sportsmen overestimate their abilities once their bodies begin to creak and their reflexes begin to slow. But the fans have no need to be slaves to the delusions of an ego.  It is unreasonable to expect him to succeed with his record and ability being so apparently flawed.

But that doesn’t mean that he should be forced to retire. If we were to consider him purely a bowler, there is a pretty strong case for him being part of the national squad. Perhaps the worst – and the best – thing to happen to Afridi in his career was THAT century in Nairobi. That innings has skewed expectations and perceptions so much so that a pretty decent career with the ball is overlooked.

Over a five-year period from the start of 2007 till the end of last year he took 140 wickets in ODIs – no spinner anywhere in the world had more – at an average under 30 and economy rate of 4.5. By modern standard that is a record of a stalwart.  Furthermore, he is the 2nd highest wicket-taker in the short history of T20Internationals. And this is all before considering the “intangibles” he has provided. While he may not be the messiah, he – along with Waqar and Misbah – did resurrect the national team from the depths of Summer 2010. There’s a reason that his interpretation of the Vitruvian Man is now part of Pakistani folklore.

But there’s a caveat to all of this. The numbers given above are mostly down to his record in the five years before 2012. This year he has taken 15 wickets in 16 ODIs at an average above 40, and has had his worst year with the bat since 2006. Despite this he has only missed one of Pakistan’s 17 ODIs.

And therein lies the problem with the Pakistan setup. Pakistan’s inability to rotate has led to a culture where there are untouchables within the playing XI. Our lot complain of bench strength, even when promising young players like Hammad Alam and Fawad Alam are never given an extended run to flourish. It took two years before Raza Hasan was given a look-in: he was part of the squad for the tour of England in 2010, but only made his debut last month. It is this inability to rotate – borne out of short-termism – that has led to Pakistan having to call up tried-and-tested failures again and again. There is a middle ground between calling for Afridi’s head and putting it up on a spike; that is to ask for the XI to be chosen on form. Not really that difficult a concept to grasp.

But is it really the fault of the management? Or are they afraid of reprisals? After all, every series – nay, every match – that Pakistan plays is given overwhelming importance by the public, be it an actual big match (like the World T20) or not (like the summer ODI series against Sri Lanka). There’s a reason Afridi continues to play every match, it’s because a majority of Pakistanis continue to back him even as he struggles for fitness and form.

Dreams of change and the change-seekers

Everyone dreams of change. Dreams of change occurring within their nation, society, education, development and even their circumstances are both seen by many and shown by some. Electricity, water, gas and other basic amenities of life are becoming extinct. Yet there are still those who continue to show us new dreams of change.

There are those who showed us some dreams before coming into power. When they attained power, they made their dreams come true for themselves. After five years of not being in power, they are now gathering in the election battleground with new dreams. Then, there are those who are proud of themselves of leading the first government of Pakistan that will be completing its full term. The dreams of change that they had shown to us five years ago have been fulfilled for themselves and now they are showing new dreams to people. They are, at present, preparing to show the public new dreams for the next five years on Dec 27.

Some of them have been connected to the chambers of power  forever and have been a part of every change that occurred. They sell dreams to the masses in order to bring a change to their lives. At first, they claimed to bring a change in the city but now they attempt to extend their proposed changes to the entire country by showing the same dreams to the entire country. They are like the urban feudal lords, yet have taken up the responsibility to eliminate feudalism from Pakistan. The city continues to scream; it is bathed in blood everyday. They can make an entire city become deserted, as if no one ever lived here. Two drops of rain that fall in this city can wash off all the progress this city made under them. In the city where people breathe in numbered breaths, the self-proclaimed leaders now show us new dreams at gunpoint.

The same dreams were seen by the educated, enlightened sections of Sindh. They realised these dreams in every era through their associations with those in power, whether it was a dictatorship or a so-called public government who has always been the slave of thesayeds, pirs, meers and waderas. They participated in both kinds of governments, allying themselves with revolutionaries, class struggles, the progressives and the nationalists, subsequently bringing about a change in their own lives and homes. Establishment is the other ‘party’ who has dreamt of change in Sindh. It has consistently worked hard over the years to keep all revolutionaries, nationalists and the progressives of Sindh under control.

But this time, it is a young man who has dreamt of bringing about change. He used to address the rallies of Jamiat-ul-Ulema Pakistan – Noorani Group held in Hyderabad. But now he has exchanged his beard for a French cut to become the thinker and the leader of the Sindhi change-seekers of the modern Sindh. But as he is a businessman, he must earn some money along the way so he has stopped spending too much on bringing about change.

This time, the arrogance over their votes in Sindh shown by Sindh’s ‘rulers’ and how they forgot everything in their race for power has made the establishment’s job easier. They can now see their long-standing dream coming true.

The ghoul of Kala Bagh Dam sleeps until it is woken up. Punjab votes for its building and Sindh votes against the proposal. It will never be built but the poor politicians cannot do without it. A trick was played by the establishment in Sindh. The establishment’s old friends, the staunch supporters of dictatorship, allied all the nationalists, progressives, revolutionaries and other activists with the religious parties.

All of them have now united under a single pir. All red flags have now become lost under the green ones. All dreams of change have merged into each other. Forget‘Roti, kapra aur makan’. Obtaining gas, electricity, water and petrol are going to become a dream too. Yet the rulers continue to show us the same old dreams.

The plan is to divide the public into classes, ethnicities and sects in order to reach the assemblies. The previous elections took the sacrifice of Benazir. Everything that happened in Musharraf’s era was repeated in the last five years, but in her name. Only the faces changed. But changing the system is not possible for anyone. The patriarch of the house runs the system without anyone having a say in it. It will always run like this, no matter who comes and goes.

Sindh was always ruled according to the orders from the President House and continues to be ruled by the President House. The assemblies have always been for imprinting thumbprints and still are, despite the degree requirement. There is no room for debate. However, verbal abuse, degrading each other and brandishing one’s shoes threateningly are allowed. All laws are ready for implementation so all you need to do is remain quiet and apply your thumbprint on it. The laws that should have been actually passed remain in pending as no orders have been issued to pass these laws. But a law would be passed in assemblies and implemented overnight if orders are issued.

Seats were reserved for women in the assemblies during Musharraf’s rule. But those seats ended up being occupied by the female relatives of the feudal lords involved in politics. People whose fathers and forefathers had not been graduates managed to get into the assemblies. This way, the family seat remained in the family.

Five years have gone by. The domestic violence bill hasn’t been passed yet because no one is ready to pass it. We won’t be ‘respected’ at home, in front of our family members, thought the assemblies’ members.

A strike was called in Sindh on Nov 30 to protest against the indecent behaviour that two women legislators of a party nurtured by dictatorship were subjected to in the Sindh Assembly. But not once has there been a protest against the indecent behaviour towards the women in Sindh. Nobody has neither discussed nor raised voice for this. The legislators and politicians are not prepared to pass the domestic violence bill because they all protect the culprits who have sexually assaulted women. After all, it is a question of our ‘national honour’.

But the change is coming. If you take a look at the billboards around the city, Benazir and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto are slowly being removed from them. Soon, they will be limited to birth and death anniversaries. If only, the ones who have eaten in their names could take some time out from their activities to focus on their leaders’ ideologies. Those who did have an ideology have now forgotten everything and have gathered under the green flag. The dreams of change are still becoming a reality. The green is dominating the red. By the way, let me tell you secret, the result of mixing green and red is always black.

Are terrorists human?

It happened over a year ago, on June 21, 2011, in the flat heat of Lahore’s unforgiving midsummer, Jamaat-ud-Daawa Chief Hafiz Muhammad Saeed trooped up the stairs of the Lahore High Court and filed a petition. This was not in itself a novel occasion. In the age of the courageous courts, Pakistanis are used to all the flavors in the pot of justice; beards and men and petitions, all providing the ingredients for our nightly feasts of political smut. The head of a banned terrorist group standing up for Pakistani sovereignty and the rights of invisible unseen victims of drone attacks means only the promise of some rowdy political jousting at the end of another day. Irony, even this perverse piece of it; is lost in a Pakistan mourning too many deaths.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was passed December 10, 1948 in a place very far away from Pakistan and for problems very different from drones. In the shadow of World War II, the weary world reeled against the catastrophe of the Holocaust and its own belatedly awakened apathy, at help provided too late and after too many had died. In the hopeful years after it became the rallying call for unity; for the value of an individual life to be apportioned some dignity, to provide some bare boned armor against the action of a bully nation or bloodthirsty dictator bulldozing weak nameless others. The idea was that if a universal maxim on the protection of human dignity could be agreed upon by the world; a prerogative for upholding the essentially human beyond the specificities of belief or nation or race, then the world would be spared future cataclysms of human depravity.
For a time the recipe seemed to work; if imperfectly. Nations were shamed for imprisoning political opponents, their pomp and glory questioned when they mowed down protestors in Squares, used soldiers to rape women and allowed dictators to exterminate entire populations of ethnic rivals. There were some near pristine victories; strong countries intervening to stop genocides in weak ones, a vast UN peacekeeping force was created and funded for the very purpose watching out for those that had no guns and no watches. The world it seemed had developed some muscle on the bone of some core humanity; or so it seemed then.
Terrorism existed a long time before this new millennium began, but it was in this millennium that it began its slow murderous assault on human rights. In not belonging to no country, or to any country where they chose to set up shop, terrorists, the Mohammad Attas and Osama Bin Ladens of the world evaded the nation state model. They killed and slaughtered and bombed and made humans into bombs and they did it over and over and over again. The test for who is considered human, worthy of human dignity, came not from those who were being killed, but from those who were doing the killing. Is the terrorist human; and in the words of the Declaration “free and equal in dignity and rights” and worthy of being treated as such?
No one knew. The world watched and worried and the United States developed the drones. The drones were like the terrorists; elusive and silent and secret. Their victims became terrorists when they fell under their shadow. If the terrorists had cast the first blow on human rights by begging the question of whether a terrorist was human, the drones killed human rights by casting the final blow in the insistence that everyone they killed was a terrorist. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was one thing; these scenarios begged the question: if a human who was a terrorist could not have human rights, a drone that killed terrorists was not killing humans.
Hafiz Saeed’s petition is our own Pakistani allegory for the millennial decline of human rights; for it pokes and prods at this very question. Is the terrorist still human and if not, whether there is any validity anymore to an international human rights discourse that is based on a Universal Declaration that may no longer be universal. There can be special rules of course, such as the ones the United States alleges exist for drones; we can debate them and question them; we can evaluate the relative guilt of Hafiz Saeed or of the health worker shooting Taliban, but in the arrangement of the weighing scales of human depravity we still remain without an answer.
In the meantime, Hafiz Saeed’s petition on drone attacks continues its course through the maze like rifts and valleys of Pakistan’s creaky court system; there are hearings and adjournments and submissions and objections. The midsummer of Lahore’s June has passed through the seasons to another winter. At one hearing held on October 14th 2012, the Lahore High Court rejected the Government’s response to Saeed’s petition as unsatisfactory. The hearing was adjourned again.
The case will not go anywhere, but with every appearance, Hafiz Saeed casts one more blow on the idea of human universality, of a set of basic rights that were believed to apply to all; but that seem in our present moment of utmost evil, universal no longer. Drones, in their remote, robotic mechanistic killings say no and beg for an exception. Once universality has an exception; it is universal no longer, ailing and flailing, if not simply dead and defeated. If the ambition to expose international instruments of humanity and solidarity is the chess game initiated by Hafiz Saeed, then his sweaty petition pushed through the dusty desks and crowded dockets of the Lahore High Court; may have won this round.

Why Pakistan is not a failed state

It’s been about a week since the Connecticut school massacre, and Americans are still grieving.

Yet we’re comforted by the thought that, with time, the bereaved community of Newtown will bounce back. Students will return to school, and victims’ families will somehow get on with their lives. This is because America, as politicians and the US media have intoned repeatedly in recent days, is a strong and resilient society.

For me, such words bring to mind another strong and resilient society — one that endures constant afflictions, tragedies, and privation. I can think of few nations that suffer more misery than Pakistan.

Pakistan certainly isn’t the only country where, in a span of hours, an infant can be bitten by a rat in a hospital nursery, and 16 people can die from consuming toxic cough medicine. This happened several weeks ago.

Yet, place these individual incidents alongside the unending onslaught of natural disaster, insurgency, terrorism, corruption, poverty, natural resource shortage, and disease. Now you can understand why so many Pakistanis suffer from PTSD, and are driven to desperate measures.

In 2008, in one of the most harrowing pieces of journalism I’ve ever read, Newsline’s Shimaila Matri Dawood wrote of Pakistanis murdering their children, jumping in front of trains, and setting themselves on fire — all because they couldn’t provide for their families.

Still, the aim of my final post of 2012 is not to dwell on Pakistan’s suffering. It is to showcase the remarkable strength and resiliency with which the Pakistani society responds to it.

When the 2010 floods plunged 20 per cent of the nation underwater, the government was largely missing in action. Yet doctors, housewives, students, and many others (not to mention the military) immediately deployed to the affected areas to render assistance. Of course, many Pakistanis minister to the needy every day, and not just after humanitarian catastrophes. Witness the tireless work of Pakistan’s living legend, Abdul Sattar Edhi.

Some of Pakistan’s citizen-first responders come bearing not relief or medical supplies, but inspiring words and campaigns that galvanise the nation. Malala Yousafzai certainly comes to mind — as does Sana Saleem, the free speech advocate recently named one of Foreign Policy’s top 100 global thinkers of 2012 (Malala made the list as well). Their ilk will increasingly take center stage as older generations — led by the likes of the late Ardeshir Cowasjee — retire from public life.

Then there are those Pakistanis who use their rare gifts to benefit the country. The tragically short life of Arfa Karim, the teenaged IT genius who provided computer training to the poor, is a shining example.

Also admirable are those who labor under the most difficult of conditions, yet still pull off extraordinary acts. Take journalists and doctors, many of whom are severely underpaid and overworked, and work in dangerous environments. Admittedly, some of them succumb to the stress (recall the surgeon who left operating scissors in a patient’s stomach, and the journalists who fell for the infamous Shamsul Anwar hoax). Yet many more shrug off threats to break critical stories, or save countless lives. I’ll never forget the young doctor I met last summer, who told me he constantly fears getting attacked at his hospital by livid people denied care. When I asked why he keeps going back, his answer was immediate and simple: “Pakistan needs medical care.”

And then there are the besieged religious minorities, who quietly persevere in a nation that refuses to protect them. It’s a wonder more haven’t fled.

Finally, there are the simple yet poignant acts of charity and benevolence — like the kids in Karachi who collect garbage every Sunday, or the Islamabad-based peace activists who travel to KP to speak to students about tolerance and nonviolence.

One of Pakistan’s enigmas is how it manages to “muddle along” despite its multitude of problems. The answer can be found in its people, who hold the country together. They are undoubtedly driven by patriotism, which runs deep despite the nation’s divisions. This is why I cringe whenever I hear Pakistan referred to as a “failed state.” So long as the Pakistani society remains strong, I can’t imagine how Pakistan can fail.

At least not yet.

The question, in the years ahead, is whether Pakistan’s resilient society can beat back the cresting waves of militancy and sectarianism that threaten to tear Pakistan apart and, one day, even plunge it into civil war. Balkanisation, more so than an Islamist takeover, is a very real threat to the Pakistani state.

Up to now, the Pakistani society has stepped in to provide services and fill roles where the government is absent. Yet this isn’t a sustainable strategy. To avert disaster in the decades ahead, the Pakistani state will need to step up — and provide the leadership and good judgment long exemplified by its society.